South America in Turmoil: Protests, Violence, and Political Unrest

Article at El Diario de Hoy, published on 27 October 2019: https://historico.elsalvador.com/historico/653338/inestabilidad-frustracion-y-oportunismo-inundan-al-cono-sur.html

In recent days, the world has witnessed violent demonstrations erupting across different parts of South America. Just days after Ecuador’s Comptroller's Office burned in the capital, Quito, mass protests, violent clashes, and heavy security deployments have been reported in cities like La Paz, Bolivia, and Santiago, Chile—where security forces have confronted demonstrators who have taken to the streets.

While the causes behind these uprisings vary, and each case has its own unique circumstances, they share common factors: a surge of social discontent and an apparent inability of institutional channels to provide structured, negotiated solutions to the grievances that fueled the protests.

In Ecuador, the spark was the removal of fuel subsidies. In Chile, it was an increase in metro fares. In Bolivia, the lack of transparency in the recent electoral process. Despite their differences, the signs of unrest are strikingly similar: burning public buildings, violent clashes, and government responses that, while aimed at resolving the immediate crisis, appear insufficient.

A Crisis of Absent Political Parties

For political analyst Matías Bianchi, this wave of instability can be explained as a "crisis of absent parties," the subject of his recent article for Open Democracy. In an interview with El Diario de Hoy, the Argentine expert emphasized that what we are witnessing is “the failure of politics and political parties to interpret and articulate societal demands.”

According to Bianchi, who directs the think tank Asuntos del Sur, when societies no longer perceive political parties or institutional entities as capable of channeling their concerns and shaping public policy proposals, waves of violence and protests emerge. At the same time, as states lose their “social capillarity” and connection with citizens, they resort to unpopular measures and, in cycles of instability beyond their control, tend to crack down on dissent.

He points out that this phenomenon is not exclusive to South America. Similar dissatisfaction with democracy and political systems is evident in places as diverse as the United Kingdom and Hong Kong.

A Conspiracy?

Amid the turmoil, discussions have emerged about a possible counteroffensive by the so-called “21st-century socialism.” According to those who support this theory, a hemispheric axis of leftist governments, led by Caracas and Havana, is seeking to destabilize other governments in the region in response to recent electoral setbacks.

Even the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States (OAS), Luis Almagro, stated in a communiqué that “the current destabilization efforts targeting the political systems of the continent originate in the strategies of the Bolivarian and Cuban dictatorships, which aim to reposition themselves—not through reinstitutionalization and democratization, but by exporting polarization and harmful practices, while financing, supporting, and promoting political and social conflict.”

Bianchi dismisses Almagro’s claims as irresponsible. “Nicolás Maduro can barely govern his own country—he lacks the economic and political resources to do so. Imagine him having the capacity and muscle to destabilize other nations,” the Argentine expert argues.

El Diario de Hoy consulted additional experts on this matter. Chilean lawyer Juan Carlos Vargas, president of the Latin American Network of Young People for Democracy, also rejected the conspiracy theory. He cited a survey by Ipsos, which found that 67% of Chileans believe the protests stemmed from metro fare hikes and the country’s high cost of living.

Indeed, Chile’s economic model has driven strong growth and a high standard of living, but it has not effectively addressed inequality and the struggles of the most vulnerable populations. This skepticism toward the "model"—a term referring to the neoliberal reforms of the late 1980s—has led to previous waves of unrest, such as the 2011 student protests and the recent violent demonstrations.

Radical Elements in the Protests

While Vargas dismisses a hemispheric conspiracy, he does acknowledge that radical and violent groups have infiltrated the protests to push their own political agendas. “Perhaps the metro fare hike was the final straw, compounded by widespread discontent. But after the initial demonstrations, organized groups began looting and destroying cities,” he warns.

To de-escalate tensions, President Sebastián Piñera reversed the fare hikes, initiated dialogue, and pledged to address some of the underlying grievances. He even apologized for government missteps. However, despite political leaders supporting these measures, public unrest persists. The situation has escalated into extreme violence, with at least 18 people killed across the country.

For now, Piñera faces demands for a cabinet reshuffle, and tensions remain high in Congress, where lawmakers are debating the crisis.

One striking feature of the Chilean protests is the absence of clear leadership, complicating negotiations. Yet, radical leftist groups have played a role in escalating tensions.

A similar dynamic was evident in Ecuador. Political scientist Arianna Tanca told El Diario de Hoy that while indigenous organizations led protests against fuel subsidy cuts, supporters of former President Rafael Correa attempted to hijack the demonstrations to push for the ousting of President Lenín Moreno, whom they see as a traitor.

However, both Tanca and Bianchi argue that Correa’s political influence is limited, especially since he resides in Brussels, Belgium.

Bolivia: A Different Conflict

Bolivia’s unrest stems from opposition to leftist President Evo Morales, following a contested election that awarded him a first-round victory on October 24. Opponents challenge the legitimacy of the results and Morales’ candidacy, which defied a 2016 referendum barring him from seeking another term.

This dispute has sparked violence in Bolivia’s major cities, pitting Morales’ supporters—who insist on his victory—against opposition groups, led by former President Carlos Mesa, who demand a runoff election.

So far, neither side is willing to back down. “Morales’ supporters will remain in the streets until their victory is upheld, while the opposition will continue protesting until a second-round vote is secured,” explains Bolivian journalist Natalia Oelsner, who warns that the protests could further escalate, especially given allegations of electoral fraud.

Is the System at Risk?

Even if South America’s crises are not part of a grand conspiracy orchestrated by Caracas and Havana, they should not be taken lightly. According to Bianchi, the growing disconnect between political parties and society could further erode confidence in representative democracy and pave the way for more anti-establishment leaders to rise to power.

These figures, he warns, are often “far worse” than the traditional politicians they replace. Citing examples like Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro and Guatemala’s Jimmy Morales, Bianchi explains that such leaders emerge when conventional politics fails. However, lacking party structures, they often align with powerful and sometimes shadowy interests to advance their agendas.

To prevent this, he stresses the need to revitalize political parties, which have become little more than electoral machines. “Parties should have deeper social roots to foster consensus, dialogue, and representation, offering institutional and democratic solutions to crises.”

Without this renewal, South America may find short-term fixes to extinguish immediate crises, but its political system will continue to erode. The region cannot afford to undermine its democratic foundations—nor allow discredited political opportunists to exploit social grievances for personal gain, promoting political violence and their own agendas.