Faith and Politics: How Populists Resort to Religious Discourse in Latin America

Article at El Diario de Hoy, published on 29 November 2019: https://historico.elsalvador.com/historico/663614/el-populismo-tambien-se-auxilia-de-la-fe-y-la-religion.html

Upon entering Bolivia’s presidential palace after assuming the country’s interim presidency, Jeanine Áñez proclaimed an unusual statement: "God has allowed the Bible to return to the Palace." Minutes later, now wearing the presidential sash across her chest, she stepped out onto the balconies of the Bolivian presidential headquarters, the Palacio de Quemado, holding the sacred book of Christianity.

Until 2009, Bolivia recognized freedom of worship but explicitly acknowledged the Catholic Church. That year, under then-president Evo Morales, the Constitution was reformed to establish a secular state: one that was "independent of religion."

Days after assuming office, Áñez lamented Bolivia’s secularism, calling it an invention of Evo Morales and his party, the Movement for Socialism (MAS). Legally speaking, she was somewhat correct, but the construction of a secular state is the result of a historical process that took centuries. It is rooted in the idea that states should remain neutral in individuals' moral decisions, as long as they do not infringe on the rights of others—an undeniable step forward for individual freedom.

Perhaps Áñez’s statement was purely rhetorical, but her words resonate with a growing trend in Latin American politics: the increasing influence of religious discourse as an emotional driver and the warm reception it receives from conservative populist sectors advocating for more faith-based policies.

The Almost-President

In April 2018, Costa Ricans went to the polls for a second-round presidential election. One of the two candidates was Fabricio Alvarado, a preacher and representative of the National Restoration Party. He framed the election as a battle between "the enemy" and "the children of God", even blaming the devil himself for mobilizing people in the streets to undermine his candidacy and cost him the presidency.

A month after losing the election, Alvarado visited a church in Neuquén, Argentina, where he lamented that "there are demon-possessed people getting involved in politics," urging churches to wake up and stop the advance of secularism, which he called dangerous.

The former Costa Rican candidate does not hide his aspiration for Christians to enter politics and openly promote their principles. "The best politicians in Latin America should be believers because they will strive to act with ethics and transparency," he declared.

This radical rhetoric—now viewed with surprise by many Costa Ricans because of how close it came to securing the presidency—is gaining traction in a region increasingly disillusioned with traditional politics. Part of the Latin American electorate is turning to leaders who appeal almost exclusively to emotions, speaking to voters at the extremes, and taking advantage of the frustration of moderate and middle-ground voters who have grown weary of politics.

This phenomenon is analyzed by Argentine political scientist María Esperanza Casullo, who told this publication that leaders who use religion as a vehicle for power often portray themselves as outsiders, separate from the political system and traditional party structures.

She explains that this trend arises in response to social change, such as increasing demands for progressive policies, women's rights, and LGBTQ+ rights. While societies move toward broader recognition of rights, she notes, there is a reactionary pushback from the opposite end of the political spectrum.

This is why, in a region advancing in social issues, rhetoric against "gender ideology" has gained traction—an ambiguous but effective concept used to discredit progressive movements.

In Costa Rica’s case, a January 2018 ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights mandated the country to recognize same-sex marriage. This decision catapulted Alvarado’s popularity, taking him from a mere 2% in the polls to the second round of the presidential election in just a few months—an outcome driven by a portion of the electorate that strongly opposed the ruling.

Former Costa Rican President Laura Chinchilla confirmed to this publication that the court ruling played a key role in boosting Alvarado’s chances and lamented how the campaign became emotionally charged. "As if ideological polarization weren’t enough, we now face polarization in discussions of social, cultural, and identity issues. The debate has become a clash between progressives and conservatives," she said.

In her country’s elections, she explained, the campaign revolved around the marriage debate, overshadowing pressing economic issues. Emotion outweighed rational motivations for voting. "This issue—so complex and sensitive—only adds tension and polarization to political discourse," she lamented.

Opportunism

These political leaders often turn to religion and faith as a shield when public affairs are not going well. A clear example of this is Guatemala, where powerful sectors launched a smear campaign against the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), despite the fact that its mandate had nothing to do with social issues.

The commission had been widely popular for helping bring down a corrupt government. However, when individuals close to the president and certain business elites found themselves implicated in potential criminal investigations, they turned to a powerful strategy: exploiting the anxieties of a religious electorate. They falsely linked the commission to an alleged international agenda (never clearly defined) aimed at liberalizing abortion laws.

When announcing that he would not request a renewal of the commission’s mandate from the United Nations, the Guatemalan president added an incongruous remark: "The government believes in life and in the family as based on a man and a woman."

This statement triggered public outrage. Many citizens fell for the deception, protesting an imaginary enemy and taking to the streets in opposition. As the digital media outlet Plaza Pública summarized at the time, "Thousands marched against a non-existent abortion law."

Similar tactics have played out across the region. One striking example is far-right Brazilian politician Jair Bolsonaro. A year before launching his presidential campaign, he was filmed being baptized in the Jordan River—the same place where, according to the Bible, Jesus was baptized. "That baptism was his first campaign event," political analyst Valdemar Figueredo ironically noted at the time.

From that moment on, Bolsonaro—a controversial figure known for glorifying Brazil’s dictatorship, defending torture, and making sexist and homophobic remarks—has continuously sought to appease his conservative base by reminding them that he is "a man of God" and that "Brazil is above all, and God is above everyone."

The Shifting Political Landscape

Latin America has become increasingly difficult to define in ideological terms. In the 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the ideological pendulum swung to the right, favoring liberal economic policies, privatization, and reduced state intervention.

When that model lost momentum, the region saw the rise of the “Pink Tide”—a wave of leftist movements that promised social justice and independence from Washington.

Now, that wave, too, has faded, and what has emerged is harder to classify. It could be a rebellion against everything or simply a faster-moving pendulum. But one thing is clear: the ideological void is being filled, in some cases, by a more combative conservatism and the increasing influence of religious rhetoric.

It remains uncertain whether politicians embrace this discourse out of genuine conviction or mere electoral convenience. However, as long as it remains an effective political strategy, motivations will matter little. What is clear is that figures who were once on the margins of politics are now reaching **the highest offices—**aided by faith.